
Part Three
I want you to know that I will not make age an issue
of this campaign. I am not going to exploit, for political purposes,
my opponents youth and inexperience.
- Ronald Reagan in the Reagan/Mondale Debates
October 15th, 2004
This is the transcript of the last night of the
Bush/Kerry debate. It dealt with domestic policy. I have taken
the liberty of publishing the transcript for you and linking
the questions.
- Opening from Bob Schiffer
- Will our children be as safe as we were?
- How did the U.S. end up with a flu vaccine shortage?
- With rising costs, how do you keep from raising taxes?
- What do you say to someone who lost his job?
- Is Bush entirely to blame for loss of jobs?
- Do you believe homosexuality is a choice?
- How does Kerry handle criticism from Catholic archbishops?
- Who is responsible for rising health care costs?
- How will Kerry pay for an expanded health care plan?
- How will you fund Social Security?
- Will Social Security be left as a problem for future generations?
- How do you view immigration?
- Is it time to raise the minimum wage?
- Would Bush like to overturn Roe v. Wade?
- What relief can be offered to Guard and Reserve forces?
- Why didn't Bush try to extend the assault weapons ban?
- Is there a need for affirmative
action programs?
- What part does faith play in policy decisions?
- How can the president unite America?
- What have you learned from your wife and daughters?
- Closing Statements
CBS News anchor Bob Schieffer
moderated the debate that focused on domestic policy.
SCHIEFFER: Gentleman, welcome to you both.
By coin toss, the first question goes to Sen. Kerry.
Will our children be as safe as we were?
SCHIEFFER: Senator, I want to set the
stage for this discussion by asking the question that I think
hangs over all of our politics today and is probably on the
minds of many people watching this debate tonight. And that
is, will our children and grandchildren ever live in a world
as safe and secure as the world in which we grew up?
KERRY: Well, first of all, Bob, thank
you for moderating tonight. Thank you, Arizona State, for welcoming
us. And thank you to the Presidential Commission for undertaking
this enormous task. We're proud to be here. Mr. President, I'm
glad to be here with you again to share similarities and differences
with the American people. Will we ever be safe and secure again?
Yes. We absolutely must be. That's the goal. Now, how do we
achieve it is the most critical component of it. I believe that
this president, regrettably, rushed us into a war, made decisions
about foreign policy, pushed alliances away. And, as a result,
America is now bearing this extraordinary burden where we are
not as safe as we ought to be. The measurement is not: Are we
safer? The measurement is: Are we as safe as we ought to be?
And there are a host of options that this president had available
to him, like making sure that at all our ports in America containers
are inspected. Only 95 percent of them -- 95 percent come in
today uninspected. That's not good enough. People who fly on
airplanes today, the cargo hold is not X-rayed, but the baggage
is. That's not good enough. Firehouses don't have enough firefighters
in them. Police officers are being cut from the streets of America
because the president decided to cut the COPS program. So we
can do a better job of homeland security. I can do a better
job of waging a smarter, more effective war on terror and guarantee
that we will go after the terrorists. I will hunt them down,
and we'll kill them, we'll capture them. We'll do whatever is
necessary to be safe. But I pledge this to you, America: I will
do it in the way that Franklin Roosevelt and Ronald Reagan and
John Kennedy and others did, where we build the strongest alliances,
where the world joins together, where we have the best intelligence
and where we are able, ultimately, to be more safe and secure.
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President, you have 90
seconds.
BUSH: Thank you very much. I want to thank
Arizona State as well. Yes, we can be safe and secure, if we
stay on the offense against the terrorists and if we spread
freedom and liberty around the world. I have got a comprehensive
strategy to not only chase down the al Qaeda, wherever it exists
-- and we're making progress; three-quarters of al Qaeda leaders
have been brought to justice -- but to make sure that countries
that harbor terrorists are held to account. As a result of securing
ourselves and ridding the Taliban out of Afghanistan, the Afghan
people had elections this weekend. And the first voter was a
19-year-old woman. Think about that. Freedom is on the march.
We held to account a terrorist regime in Saddam Hussein. In
other words, in order to make sure we're secure, there must
be a comprehensive plan. My opponent just this weekend talked
about how terrorism could be reduced to a nuisance, comparing
it to prostitution, illegal gambling. I think that attitude
and that point of view is dangerous. I don't think you can secure
America for the long run if you don't have a comprehensive view
as to how to defeat these people. At home, we'll do everything
we can to protect the homeland. I signed the homeland security
bill to better align our assets and resources. My opponent voted
against it. We're doing everything we can to protect our borders
and ports. But absolutely we can be secure in the long run.
It just takes good, strong leadership.
SCHIEFFER: Anything to add, Senator Kerry?
KERRY: Yes. When the president had an
opportunity to capture or kill Osama bin Laden, he took his
focus off of them, outsourced the job to Afghan warlords, and
Osama bin Laden escaped. Six months after he said Osama bin
Laden must be caught dead or alive, this president was asked,
"Where is Osama bin Laden?" He said, "I
don't know. I don't really think about him very much. I'm not
that concerned." We need a president who stays deadly
focused on the real war on terror.
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President?
BUSH: Gosh, I just don't think I ever
said I'm not worried about Osama bin Laden. It's kind of one
of those exaggerations. Of course we're worried about Osama
bin Laden. We're on the hunt after Osama bin Laden. We're using
every asset at our disposal to get Osama bin Laden. My opponent
said this war is a matter of intelligence and law enforcement.
No, this war is a matter of using every asset at our disposal
to keep the American people protected.
(I'm sorry to interrupt
the transcript but anyone who has bought Fahenheight 9-11 by
Michael Moore on DVD knows that the president DID, indeed, make
that quote - Vikar)
How did the U.S. end up with a flu vaccine shortage?
SCHIEFFER: New question,
Mr. President, to you. We are talking about protecting
ourselves from the unexpected, but the flu season is suddenly
upon us. Flu kills thousands of people every year. Suddenly
we find ourselves with a severe shortage of flu vaccine. How
did that happen?
BUSH: Bob, we relied upon a company out
of England to provide about half of the flu vaccines for the
United States citizen, and it turned out that the vaccine they
were producing was contaminated. And so we took the right action
and didn't allow contaminated medicine into our country. We're
working with Canada to hopefully -- that they'll produce a --
help us realize the vaccine necessary to make sure our citizens
have got flu vaccinations during this upcoming season. My call
to our fellow Americans is if you're healthy, if you're younger,
don't get a flu shot this year. Help us prioritize those who
need to get the flu shot, the elderly and the young. The CDC,
responsible for health in the United States, is setting those
priorities and is allocating the flu vaccine accordingly. I
haven't gotten a flu shot, and I don't intend to because I want
to make sure those who are most vulnerable get treated. We have
a problem with litigation in the United States of America. Vaccine
manufacturers are worried about getting sued, and therefore
they have backed off from providing this kind of vaccine. One
of the reasons I'm such a strong believer in legal reform is
so that people aren't afraid of producing a product that is
necessary for the health of our citizens and then end up getting
sued in a court of law. But the best thing we can do now, Bob,
given the circumstances with the company in England is for those
of us who are younger and healthy, don't get a flu shot.
SCHIEFFER: Sen. Kerry?
KERRY: This really underscores the problem
with the American health-care system. It's not working for the
American family. And it's gotten worse under President Bush
over the course of the last years. Five million Americans have
lost their health insurance in this country. You've got about
a million right here in Arizona, just shy, 950,000, who have
no health insurance at all. 82,000 Arizonians lost their health
insurance under President Bush's watch. 223,000 kids in Arizona
have no health insurance at all. All across our country -- go
to Ohio, 1.4 million Ohioans have no health insurance, 114,000
of them lost it under President Bush; Wisconsin, 82,000, Wisconsites
lost it under President Bush. This president has turned his
back on the wellness of America. And there is no system. In
fact, it's starting to fall apart not because of lawsuits --
though they are a problem, and John Edwards and I are committed
to fixing them -- but because of the larger issue that we don't
cover Americans. Children across our country don't have health
care. We're the richest country on the face of the planet, the
only industrialized nation in the world not to do it. I have
a plan to cover all Americans. We're going to make it affordable
and accessible. We're going to let everybody buy into the same
health-care plan senators and congressmen give themselves.
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President, would you like
to add something?
BUSH: I would. Thank you. I want to remind
people listening tonight that a plan is not a litany of complaints,
and a plan is not to lay out programs that you can't pay for.
He just said he wants everybody to be able to buy in to the
same plan that senators and congressmen get. That costs the
government $7,700 per family. If every family in America signed
up, like the senator suggested, [it] would cost us $5 trillion
over 10 years. It's an empty promise. It's called bait and switch.
SCHIEFFER: Time's up.
BUSH: Thank you.
KERRY: Actually, it's not an empty promise.
It's really interesting, because the president used that very
plan as a reason for seniors to accept his prescription drug
plan. He said, if it's good enough for the congressmen and senators
to have choice, seniors ought to have choice. What we do is
we have choice. I choose Blue Cross/Blue Shield. Other senators,
other congressmen choose other programs. But the fact is, we're
going to help Americans be able to buy into it. Those that can
afford it are going to buy in themselves. We're not giving this
away for nothing.
With rising costs, how do you keep from raising taxes?
SCHIEFFER: All right.
Sen. Kerry, a new question. Let's talk about economic
security. You pledged during the last debate that you would
not raise taxes on those making less than $200,000 a year. But
the price of everything is going up, and we all know it. Health
care costs, as you all talking about, is skyrocketing, the cost
of the war. My question is, how can you or any president, whoever
is elected next time, keep that pledge without running this
country deeper into debt and passing on more of the bills that
we're running up to our children?
KERRY: I'll tell you exactly how I can
do it: by reinstating what President Bush took away, which is
called pay as you go. During the 1990s, we had pay-as-you-go
rules. If you were going to pass something in the Congress,
you had to show where you are going to pay for it and how. President
Bush has taken -- he's the only president in history to do this.
He's also the only president in 72 years to lose jobs -- 1.6
million jobs lost. He's the only president to have incomes of
families go down for the last three years; the only president
to see exports go down; the only president to see the lowest
level of business investment in our country as it is today.
Now, I'm going to reverse that. I'm going to change that. We're
going to restore the fiscal discipline we had in the 1990s.
Every plan that I have laid out -- my health-care plan, my plan
for education, my plan for kids to be able to get better college
loans -- I've shown exactly how I'm going to pay for those.
And we start -- we don't do it exclusively -- but we start by
rolling back George Bush's unaffordable tax cut for the wealthiest
people, people earning more than $200,000 a year, and we pass,
hopefully, the McCain-Kerry Commission which identified some
$60 billion that we can get. We shut the loophole which has
American workers actually subsidizing the loss of their own
job. They just passed an expansion of that loophole in the last
few days: $43 billion of giveaways, including favors to the
oil and gas industry and the people importing ceiling fans from
China. I'm going to stand up and fight for the American worker.
And I am going to do it in a way that's fiscally sound. I show
how I pay for the health care, how we pay for the education.
I have a manufacturing jobs credit. We pay for it by shutting
that loophole overseas. We raise the student loans. I pay for
it by changing the relationship with the banks. This president
has never once vetoed one bill; the first president in a hundred
years not to do that.
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President?
BUSH: Well, his rhetoric doesn't match
his record. [He's] been a senator for 20 years. He voted to
increase taxes 98 times. When they tried to reduce taxes, he
voted against that 127 times. He talks about being a fiscal
conservative, or fiscally sound, but he voted over -- he voted
277 times to waive the budget caps, which would have cost the
taxpayers $4.2 trillion. He talks about PAY-GO. I'll tell you
what PAY-GO means, when you're a senator from Massachusetts,
when you're a colleague of Ted Kennedy, pay go means: You pay,
and he goes ahead and spends. He's proposed $2.2 trillion of
new spending, and yet the so-called tax on the rich, which is
also a tax on many small-business owners in America, raises
$600 million by our account -- billion, $800 billion by his
account. There is a tax gap. And guess who usually ends up filling
the tax gap? The middle class. I propose a detailed budget,
Bob. I sent up my budget man to the Congress, and he says, here's
how we're going to reduce the deficit in half by five years.
It requires pro-growth policies that grow our economy and fiscal
sanity in the halls of Congress.
What do you say to someone who lost his job?
SCHIEFFER: Let's go
to a new question, Mr. President. Two minutes. And let's continue
on jobs. You know, there are all kind of statistics out
there, but I want to bring it down to an individual. Mr. President,
what do you say to someone in this country who has lost his
job to someone overseas who's being paid a fraction of what
that job paid here in the United States?
BUSH: I'd say, Bob, I've got policies
to continue to grow our economy and create the jobs of the 21st
century. And here's some help for you to go get an education.
Here's some help for you to go to a community college. We've
expanded trade adjustment assistance. We want to help pay for
you to gain the skills necessary to fill the jobs of the 21st
century. You know, there's a lot of talk about how to keep the
economy growing. We talk about fiscal matters. But perhaps the
best way to keep jobs here in America and to keep this economy
growing is to make sure our education system works. I went to
Washington to solve problems. And I saw a problem in the public
education system in America. They were just shuffling too many
kids through the system, year after year, grade after grade,
without learning the basics. And so we said: Let's raise the
standards. We're spending more money, but let's raise the standards
and measure early and solve problems now, before it's too late.
No, education is how to help the person who's lost a job. Education
is how to make sure we've got a workforce that's productive
and competitive. Got four more years, I've got more to do to
continue to raise standards, to continue to reward teachers
and school districts that are working, to emphasize math and
science in the classrooms, to continue to expand Pell Grants
to make sure that people have an opportunity to start their
career with a college diploma. And so the person you talked
to, I say, here's some help, here's some trade adjustment assistance
money for you to go a community college in your neighborhood,
a community college which is providing the skills necessary
to fill the jobs of the 21st century. And that's what I would
say to that person.
SCHIEFFER: Sen. Kerry?
KERRY: I want you to notice how the president
switched away from jobs and started talking about education
principally. Let me come back in one moment to that, but I want
to speak for a second, if I can, to what the president said
about fiscal responsibility. Being lectured by the president
on fiscal responsibility is a little bit like Tony Soprano talking
to me about law and order in this country. (LAUGHTER) This president
has taken a $5.6 trillion surplus and turned it into deficits
as far as the eye can see. Health-care costs for the average
American have gone up 64 percent; tuitions have gone up 35 percent;
gasoline prices up 30 percent; Medicare premiums went up 17
percent a few days ago; prescription drugs are up 12 percent
a year. But guess what, America? The wages of Americans have
gone down. The jobs that are being created in Arizona right
now are paying about $13,700 less than the jobs that we're losing.
And the president just walks on by this problem. The fact is
that he's cut job-training money. $1 billion was cut. They only
added a little bit back this year because it's an election year.
They've cut the Pell Grants and the Perkins loans to help kids
be able to go to college. They've cut the training money. They've
wound up not even extending unemployment benefits and not even
extending health care to those people who are unemployed. I'm
going to do those things, because that's what's right in America:
Help workers to transition in every respect.
Is Bush entirely to blame for loss of jobs?
SCHIEFFER: New question
to you, Sen. Kerry, two minutes. And it's still on jobs. You
know, many experts say that a president really doesn't have
much control over jobs. For example, if someone invents a machine
that does the work of five people, that's progress. That's not
the president's fault. So I ask you, is it fair to blame the
administration entirely for this loss of jobs?
KERRY: I don't blame them entirely for
it. I blame the president for the things the president could
do that has an impact on it. Outsourcing is going to happen.
I've acknowledged that in union halls across the country. I've
had shop stewards stand up and say, "Will you promise me
you're going to stop all this outsourcing?" And I've looked
them in the eye and I've said, "No, I can't do that."
What I can promise you is that I will make the playing field
as fair as possible, that I will, for instance, make certain
that with respect to the tax system that you as a worker in
America are not subsidizing the loss of your job. Today, if
you're an American business, you actually get a benefit for
going overseas. You get to defer your taxes. So if you're looking
at a competitive world, you say to yourself, "Hey, I do
better overseas than I do here in America." That's not
smart. I don't want American workers subsidizing the loss of
their own job. And when I'm president, we're going to shut that
loophole in a nanosecond and we're going to use that money to
lower corporate tax rates in America for all corporations, 5
percent. And we're going to have a manufacturing jobs credit
and a job hiring credit so we actually help people be able to
hire here. The second thing that we can do is provide a fair
trade playing field. This president didn't stand up for Boeing
when Airbus was violating international rules and subsidies.
He discovered Boeing during the course of this campaign after
I'd been talking about it for months. The fact is that the president
had an opportunity to stand up and take on China for currency
manipulation. There are companies that wanted to petition the
administration. They were told: Don't even bother; we're not
going to listen to it. The fact is that there have been markets
shut to us that we haven't stood up and fought for. I'm going
to fight for a fair trade playing field for the American worker.
And I will fight for the American worker just as hard as I fight
for my own job. That's what the American worker wants. And if
we do that, we can have an impact. Plus, we need fiscal discipline.
Restore fiscal discipline, we'll do a lot better.
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President?
BUSH: Whew! Let me start with the Pell
Grants. In his last litany of misstatements he said we cut Pell
Grants. We've increased Pell Grants by a million students. That's
a fact. You know, he talks to the workers. Let me talk to the
workers. You've got more money in your pocket as a result of
the tax relief we passed and he opposed. If you have a child,
you got a $1,000 child credit. That's money in your pocket.
If you're married, we reduced the marriage penalty. The code
ought to encourage marriage, not discourage marriage. We created
a 10 percent bracket to help lower-income Americans. A family
of four making $40,000 received about $1,700 in tax relief.
It's your money. The way my opponent talks, he said, "We're
going to spend the government's money." No, we're spending
your money. And when you have more money in your pocket, you're
able to better afford things you want. I believe the role of
government is to stand side by side with our citizens to help
them realize their dreams, not tell citizens how to live their
lives. My opponent talks about fiscal sanity. His record in
the United States Senate does not match his rhetoric. He voted
to increase taxes 98 times and to bust the budget 277 times.
SCHIEFFER: Sen. Kerry?
KERRY: Bob, anybody can play with these
votes. Everybody knows that. I have supported or voted for tax
cuts over 600 times. I broke with my party in order to balance
the budget, and Ronald Reagan signed into law the tax cut that
we voted for. I voted for IRA tax cuts. I voted for small-business
tax cuts. But you know why the Pell Grants have gone up in their
numbers? Because more people qualify for them because they don't
have money. But they're not getting the $5,100 the president
promised them. They're getting less money. We have more people
who qualify. That's not what we want.
BUSH: Senator, no one's playing with your
votes. You voted to increase taxes 98 times. When they voted
-- when they proposed reducing taxes, you voted against it 126
times. He voted to violate the budget cap 277 times. You know,
there's a main stream in American politics and you sit right
on the far left bank. As a matter of fact, your record is such
that Ted Kennedy, your colleague, is the conservative senator
from Massachusetts.
Do you believe homosexuality is a choice?
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President,
let's get back to economic issues. But let's shift to some other
questions here. Both of you are opposed to gay marriage.
But to understand how you have come to that conclusion, I want
to ask you a more basic question. Do you believe homosexuality
is a choice?
BUSH: You know, Bob, I don't know. I just
don't know. I do know that we have a choice to make in America
and that is to treat people with tolerance and respect and dignity.
It's important that we do that. And I also know in a free society
people, consenting adults can live the way they want to live.
And that's to be honored. But as we respect someone's rights,
and as we profess tolerance, we shouldn't change -- or have
to change -- our basic views on the sanctity of marriage. I
believe in the sanctity of marriage. I think it's very important
that we protect marriage as an institution, between a man and
a woman. I proposed a constitutional amendment. The reason I
did so was because I was worried that activist judges are actually
defining the definition of marriage, and the surest way to protect
marriage between a man and woman is to amend the Constitution.
It has also the benefit of allowing citizens to participate
in the process. After all, when you amend the Constitution,
state legislatures must participate in the ratification of the
Constitution. I'm deeply concerned that judges are making those
decisions and not the citizenry of the United States. You know,
Congress passed a law called DOMA, the Defense of Marriage Act.
My opponent was against it. It basically protected states from
the action of one state to another. It also defined marriage
as between a man and woman. But I'm concerned that that will
get overturned. And if it gets overturned, then we'll end up
with marriage being defined by courts, and I don't think that's
in our nation's interests.
SCHIEFFER: Sen. Kerry?
KERRY: We're all God's children, Bob. And I think
if you were to talk to Dick Cheney's daughter, who is a lesbian,
she would tell you that she's being who she was, she's being
who she was born as. I think if you talk to anybody, it's not
choice. I've met people who struggled with this for years, people
who were in a marriage because they were living a sort of convention,
and they struggled with it. And I've met wives who are supportive
of their husbands or vice versa when they finally sort of broke
out and allowed themselves to live who they were, who they felt
God had made them. I think we have to respect that. The president
and I share the belief that marriage is between a man and a
woman. I believe that. I believe marriage is between a man and
a woman. But I also believe that because we are the United States
of America, we're a country with a great, unbelievable Constitution,
with rights that we afford people, that you can't discriminate
in the workplace. You can't discriminate in the rights that
you afford people. You can't disallow someone the right to visit
their partner in a hospital. You have to allow people to transfer
property, which is why I'm for partnership rights and so forth.
Now, with respect to DOMA and the marriage laws, the states
have always been able to manage those laws. And they're proving
today, every state, that they can manage them adequately.
How does Kerry handle criticism from Catholic archbishops?
SCHIEFFER: Sen. Kerry,
a new question for you. The New York Times reports that
some Catholic archbishops are telling their church members that
it would be a sin to vote for a candidate like you because you
support a woman's right to choose an abortion and unlimited
stem-cell research. What is your reaction to that?
KERRY: I respect their views. I completely
respect their views. I am a Catholic. And I grew up learning
how to respect those views. But I disagree with them, as do
many. I believe that I can't legislate or transfer to another
American citizen my article of faith. What is an article of
faith for me is not something that I can legislate on somebody
who doesn't share that article of faith. I believe that choice
is a woman's choice. It's between a woman, God and her doctor.
And that's why I support that. Now, I will not allow somebody
to come in and change Roe v. Wade. The president has never said
whether or not he would do that. But we know from the people
he's tried to appoint to the court he wants to. I will not.
I will defend the right of Roe v. Wade. Now, with respect to
religion, you know, as I said, I grew up a Catholic. I was an
altar boy. I know that throughout my life this has made a difference
to me. And as President Kennedy said when he ran for president,
he said, "I'm not running to be a Catholic president. I'm
running to be a president who happens to be Catholic."
My faith affects everything that I do, in truth. There's a great
passage of the Bible that says, "What does it mean, my
brother, to say you have faith if there are no deeds? Faith
without works is dead." And I think that everything you
do in public life has to be guided by your faith, affected by
your faith, but without transferring it in any official way
to other people. That's why I fight against poverty. That's
why I fight to clean up the environment and protect this earth.
That's why I fight for equality and justice. All of those things
come out of that fundamental teaching and belief of faith. But
I know this, that President Kennedy in his inaugural address
told all of us that here on Earth, God's work must truly be
our own. And that's what we have to -- I think that's the test
of public service.
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President?
BUSH: I think it's important to promote
a culture of life. I think a hospitable society is a society
where every being counts and every person matters. I believe
the ideal world is one in which every child is protected in
law and welcomed to life. I understand there's great differences
on this issue of abortion, but I believe reasonable people can
come together and put good law in place that will help reduce
the number of abortions. Take, for example, the ban on partial
birth abortion. It's a brutal practice. People from both political
parties came together in the halls of Congress and voted overwhelmingly
to ban that practice. It made a lot of sense. My opponent, in
that he's out of the mainstream, voted against that law. What
I'm saying is is that as we promote life and promote a culture
of life, surely there are ways we can work together to reduce
the number of abortions: continue to promote adoption laws --
it's a great alternative to abortion -- continue to fund and
promote maternity group homes; I will continue to promote abstinence
programs. The last debate, my opponent said his wife was involved
with those programs. That's great. I appreciate that very much.
All of us ought to be involved with programs that provide a
viable alternative to abortion.
Who is responsible for rising health care costs?
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President,
let's have a new question. It goes to you. And let's get back
to economic issues. Health insurance costs have risen
over 36 percent over the last four years according to The Washington
Post. We're paying more. We're getting less. I would like to
ask you: Who bears responsibility for this? Is it the government?
Is it the insurance companies? Is it the lawyers? Is it the
doctors? Is it the administration?
BUSH: Gosh, I sure hope it's not the administration.
There's a -- no, look, there's a systemic problem. Health care
costs are on the rise because the consumers are not involved
in the decision-making process. Most health care costs are covered
by third parties. And therefore, the actual user of health care
is not the purchaser of health care. And there's no market forces
involved with health care. It's one of the reasons I'm a strong
believer in what they call health savings accounts. These are
accounts that allow somebody to buy a low-premium, high-deductible
catastrophic plan and couple it with tax-free savings. Businesses
can contribute, employees can contribute on a contractual basis.
But this is a way to make sure people are actually involved
with the decision-making process on health care. Secondly, I
do believe the lawsuits -- I don't believe, I know -- that the
lawsuits are causing health care costs to rise in America. That's
why I'm such a strong believer in medical liability reform.
In the last debate, my opponent said those lawsuits only caused
the cost to go up by 1 percent. Well, he didn't include the
defensive practice of medicine that costs the federal government
some $28 billion a year and costs our society between $60 billion
and $100 billion a year. Thirdly, one of the reasons why there's
still high cost in medicine is because this is -- they don't
use any information technology. It's like if you looked at the
-- it's the equivalent of the buggy and horse days, compared
to other industries here in America. And so, we've got to introduce
high technology into health care. We're beginning to do it.
We're changing the language. We want there to be electronic
medical records to cut down on error, as well as reduce cost.
People tell me that when the health care field is fully integrated
with information technology, it'll wring some 20 percent of
the cost out of the system. And finally, moving generic drugs
to the market quicker. And so, those are four ways to help control
the costs in health care.
SCHIEFFER: Sen. Kerry?
KERRY: The reason health care costs are
getting higher, one of the principal reasons is that this administration
has stood in the way of common-sense efforts that would have
reduced the costs. Let me give you a prime example. In the Senate
we passed the right of Americans to import drugs from Canada.
But the president and his friends took it out in the House,
and now you don't have that right. The president blocked you
from the right to have less expensive drugs from Canada. We
also wanted Medicare to be able to negotiate bulk purchasing.
The VA does that. The VA provides lower-cost drugs to our veterans.
We could have done that in Medicare. Medicare is paid for by
the American taxpayer. Medicare belongs to you. Medicare is
for seniors, who many of them are on fixed income, to lift them
out of poverty. But rather than help you, the taxpayer, have
lower cost, rather than help seniors have less expensive drugs,
the president made it illegal -- illegal -- for Medicare to
actually go out and bargain for lower prices. Result: $139 billion
windfall profit to the drug companies coming out of your pockets.
That's a large part of your 17 percent increase in Medicare
premiums. When I'm president, I'm sending that back to Congress
and we're going to get a real prescription drug benefit. Now,
we also have people sicker because they don't have health insurance.
So whether it's diabetes or cancer, they come to hospitals later
and it costs America more. We got to have health care for all
Americans.
SCHIEFFER: Go ahead, Mr. President.
BUSH: I think it's important, since he
talked about the Medicare plan, has he been in the United States
Senate for 20 years? He has no record on reforming of health
care. No record at all. He introduced some 300 bills and he's
passed five. No record of leadership. I came to Washington to
solve problems. I was deeply concerned about seniors having
to choose between prescription drugs and food. And so I led.
And in 2006, our seniors will get a prescription drug coverage
in Medicare.
SCHIEFFER: Sen. Kerry? Thirty seconds.
KERRY: Once again, the president is misleading
America. I've actually passed 56 individual bills that I've
personally written and, in addition to that, and not always
under my name, there is amendments on certain bills. But more
importantly, with respect to the question of no record, I helped
write -- I did write, I was one of the original authors of the
early childhood health care and the expansion of health care
that we did in the middle of the 1990s. And I'm very proud of
that. So the president's wrong.
How will Kerry pay for an expanded health care plan?
SCHIEFFER: Let me
direct the next question to you, Sen. Kerry, and again, let's
stay on health care. You have, as you have proposed and
as the president has commented on tonight, proposed a massive
plan to extend health-care coverage. You're also talking about
the government picking up a big part of the catastrophic bills
that people get at the hospital. And you have said that you
can pay for this by rolling back the president's tax cut on
the upper 2 percent. You heard the president say earlier tonight
that it's going to cost a whole lot more money than that. I'd
just ask you, where are you going to get the money?
KERRY: Well, two leading national news
networks have both said the president's characterization of
my health-care plan is incorrect. One called it fiction. The
other called it untrue. The fact is that my health-care plan,
America, is very simple. It gives you the choice. I don't force
you to do anything. It's not a government plan. The government
doesn't require you to do anything. You choose your doctor.
You choose your plan. If you don't want to take the offer of
the plan that I want to put forward, you don't have [to]. You
can keep what you have today, keep a high deductible, keep high
premiums, keep a high co-pay, keep low benefits. But I got a
better plan. And I don't think a lot of people are going to
want to keep what they have today. Here's what I do: We take
over Medicaid children from the states so that every child in
America is covered. And in exchange, if the states want to --
they're not forced to, they can choose to -- they cover individuals
up to 300 percent of poverty. It's their choice. I think they'll
choose it, because it's a net plus of $5 billion to them. We
allow you -- if you choose to, you don't have to -- but we give
you broader competition to allow you to buy into the same health
care plan that senators and congressmen give themselves. If
it's good enough for us, it's good enough for every American.
I believe that your health care is just as important as any
politician in Washington, D.C. You want to buy into it, you
can. We give you broader competition. That helps lower prices.
In addition to that, we're going to allow people 55 to 64 to
buy into Medicare early. And most importantly, we give small
business a 50 percent tax credit so that after we lower the
costs of health care, they also get, whether they're self-employed
or a small business, a lower cost to be able to cover their
employees. Now, what happens is when you begin to get people
covered like that -- for instance in diabetes, if you diagnose
diabetes early, you could save $50 billion in the health care
system of America by avoiding surgery and dialysis. It works.
And I'm going to offer it to America.
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President?
BUSH: In all due respect, I'm not so sure
it's credible to quote leading news organizations about -- oh,
nevermind. Anyway, let me quote the Lewin report. The Lewin
report is a group of folks who are not politically affiliated.
They analyzed the senator's plan. It cost $1.2 trillion. The
Lewin report accurately noted that there are going to be 20
million people, over 20 million people added to government-controlled
health care. It would be the largest increase in government
health care ever. If you raise the Medicaid to 300 percent,
it provides an incentive for small businesses not to provide
private insurance to their employees. Why should they insure
somebody when the government's going to insure it for them?
It's estimated that 8 million people will go from private insurance
to government insurance. We have a fundamental difference of
opinion. I think government-run health will lead to poor-quality
health, will lead to rationing, will lead to less choice. Once
a health-care program ends up in a line item in the federal
government budget, it leads to more controls. And just look
at other countries that have tried to have federally controlled
health care. They have poor-quality health care. Our health-care
system is the envy of the world because we believe in making
sure that the decisions are made by doctors and patients, not
by officials in the nation's capital.
SCHIEFFER: Senator?
KERRY: The president just said that government-run
health care results in poor quality. Now, maybe that explains
why he hasn't fully funded the VA, and the VA hospital is having
trouble, and veterans are complaining. Maybe that explains why
Medicare patients are complaining about being pushed off of
Medicare. He doesn't adequately fund it. But let me just say
to America: I am not proposing a government-run program. That's
not what I have. I have Blue Cross/Blue Shield. Senators and
congressmen have a wide choice. Americans ought to have it,
too.
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President?
BUSH: Talk about the VA: We've increased
VA funding by $22 billion in the four years since I've been
president. That's twice the amount that my predecessor increased
VA funding. Of course we're meeting our obligation to our veterans,
and the veterans know that. We're expanding veterans' health
care throughout the country. We're aligning facilities where
the veterans live now. Veterans are getting very good health
care under my administration, and they will continue to do so
during the next four years.
How will you fund Social Security?
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President,
the next question is to you. We all know that Social
Security is running out of money, and it has to be fixed. You
have proposed to fix it by letting people put some of the money
collected to pay benefits into private savings accounts. But
the critics are saying that's going to mean finding $1 trillion
over the next 10 years to continue paying benefits as those
accounts are being set up. So where do you get the money? Are
you going to have to increase the deficit by that much over
10 years?
BUSH: First, let me make sure that every
senior listening today understands that when we're talking about
reforming Social Security, that they'll still get their checks.
I remember the 2000 campaign, people said: if George W. gets
elected, your check will be taken away. Well, people got their
checks, and they'll continue to get their checks. There is a
problem for our youngsters, a real problem. And if we don't
act today, the problem will be valued in the trillions. And
so I think we need to think differently. We'll honor our commitment
to our seniors. But for our children and our grandchildren,
we need to have a different strategy. And recognizing that,
I called together a group of our fellow citizens to study the
issue. It was a committee chaired by the late Senator Daniel
Patrick Moynihan of New York, a Democrat. And they came up with
a variety of ideas for people to look at. I believe that younger
workers ought to be allowed to take some of their own money
and put it in a personal savings account, because I understand
that they need to get better rates of return than the rates
of return being given in the current Social Security trust.
And the compounding rate of interest effect will make it more
likely that the Social Security system is solvent for our children
and our grandchildren. I will work with Republicans and Democrats.
It'll be a vital issue in my second term. It is an issue that
I am willing to take on, and so I'll bring Republicans and Democrats
together. And we're of course going to have to consider the
costs. But I want to warn my fellow citizens: The cost of doing
nothing, the cost of saying the current system is OK, far exceeds
the costs of trying to make sure we save the system for our
children.
SCHIEFFER: Sen. Kerry?
KERRY: You just heard the president say
that young people ought to be able to take money out of Social
Security and put it in their own accounts. Now, my fellow Americans,
that's an invitation to disaster. The CBO said very clearly
that if you were to adopt the president's plan, there would
be a $2 trillion hole in Social Security, because today's workers
pay in to the system for today's retirees. And the CBO said
-- that's the Congressional Budget Office; it's bipartisan --
they said that there would have to be a cut in benefits of 25
percent to 40 percent. Now, the president has never explained
to America, ever, hasn't done it tonight, where does the transitional
money, that $2 trillion, come from? He's already got $3 trillion,
according to The Washington Post, of expenses that he's put
on the line from his convention and the promises of this campaign,
none of which are paid for. Not one of them are paid for. The
fact is that the president is driving the largest deficits in
American history. He's broken the pay-as-you-go rules. I have
a record of fighting for fiscal responsibility. In 1985, I was
one of the first Democrats -- broke with my party. We balanced
the budget in the '90s. We paid down the debt for two years.
And that's what we're going to do. We're going to protect Social
Security. I will not privatize it. I will not cut the benefits.
And we're going to be fiscally responsible. And we will take
care of Social Security.
Will Social Security be left as a problem for future generations?
SCHIEFFER: Let me
just stay on Social Security with a new question for Sen. Kerry,
because, Sen. Kerry, you have just said you will not cut benefits.
Alan Greenspan, the chairman of the Federal Reserve,
says there's no way that Social Security can pay retirees what
we have promised them unless we recalibrate. What he's suggesting,
we're going to cut benefits or we're going to have to raise
the retirement age. We may have to take some other reform. But
if you've just said, you've promised no changes, does that mean
you're just going to leave this as a problem, another problem
for our children to solve?
KERRY: Not at all. Absolutely not, Bob.
This is the same thing we heard -- remember, I appeared on "Meet
the Press" with Tim Russert in 1990-something. We heard
the same thing. We fixed it. In fact, we put together a $5.6
trillion surplus in the '90s that was for the purpose of saving
Social Security. If you take the tax cut that the president
of the United States has given -- President Bush gave to Americans
in the top 1 percent of America -- just that tax cut that went
to the top 1 percent of America would have saved Social Security
until the year 2075. The president decided to give it to the
wealthiest Americans in a tax cut. Now, Alan Greenspan, who
I think has done a terrific job in monetary policy, supports
the president's tax cut. I don't. I support it for the middle
class, not that part of it that goes to people earning more
than $200,000 a year. And when I roll it back and we invest
in the things that I have talked about to move our economy,
we're going to grow sufficiently, it would begin to cut the
deficit in half, and we get back to where we were at the end
of the 1990s when we balanced the budget and paid down the debt
of this country. Now, we can do that. Now, if later on after
a period of time we find that Social Security is in trouble,
we'll pull together the top experts of the country. We'll do
exactly what we did it he 1990s. And we'll make whatever adjustment
is necessary. But the first and most important thing is to start
creating jobs in America. The jobs the president is creating
pay $9,000 less than the jobs that we're losing. And this is
the first president in 72 years to preside over an economy in
America that has lost jobs, 1.6 million jobs. Eleven other presidents
-- six Democrats and five Republicans -- had wars, had recessions,
had great difficulties; none of them lost jobs the way this
president has. I have a plan to put America back to work. And
if we're fiscally responsible and put America back to work,
we're going to fix Social Security.
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President?
BUSH: He forgot to tell you he voted to
tax Social Security benefits more than one time. I didn't hear
any plan to fix Social Security. I heard more of the same. He
talks about middle-class tax cuts. That's exactly where the
tax cuts went. Most of the tax cuts went to low- and middle-income
Americans. And now the tax code is more fair. Twenty percent
of the upper-income people pay about 80 percent of the taxes
in America today because of how we structured the tax cuts.
People listening out there know the benefits of the tax cuts
we passed. If you have a child, you got tax relief. If you're
married, you got tax relief. If you pay any tax at all, you
got tax relief. All of which was opposed by my opponent. And
the tax relief was important to spur consumption and investment
to get us out of this recession. People need to remember: Six
months prior to my arrival, the stock market started to go down.
And it was one of the largest declines in our history. And then
we had a recession and we got attacked, which cost us 1 million
jobs. But we acted. I led the Congress. We passed tax relief.
And now this economy is growing. We added 1.9 million new jobs
over the last 13 months. Sure, there's more work to do. But
the way to make sure our economy grows is not to raise taxes
on small-business owners. It's not to increase the scope of
the federal government. It's to make sure we have fiscal sanity
and keep taxes low.
How do you view immigration?
SCHIEFFER: Let's go
to a new question, Mr. President. I got more e-mail this
week on this question than any other question. And it is about
immigration. I'm told that at least 8,000 people cross our borders
illegally every day. Some people believe this is a security
issue, as you know. Some believe it's an economic issue. Some
see it as a human-rights issue. How do you see it? And what
we need to do about it?
BUSH: I see it as a serious problem. I
see it as a security issue, I see it as an economic issue, and
I see it as a human-rights issue. We're increasing the border
security of the United States. We've got 1,000 more Border Patrol
agents on the southern border. We're using new equipment. We're
using unmanned vehicles to spot people coming across. And we'll
continue to do so over the next four years. It's a subject I'm
very familiar with. After all, I was a border governor for a
while. Many people are coming to this country for economic reasons.
They're coming here to work. If you can make 50 cents in the
heart of Mexico, for example, or make $5 here in America, $5.15,
you're going to come here if you're worth your salt, if you
want to put food on the table for your families. And that's
what's happening. And so in order to take pressure off the borders,
in order to make the borders more secure, I believe there ought
to be a temporary worker card that allows a willing worker and
a willing employer to mate up, so long as there's not an American
willing to do that job, to join up in order to be able to fulfill
the employers' needs. That has the benefit of making sure our
employers aren't breaking the law as they try to fill their
workforce needs. It makes sure that the people coming across
the border are humanely treated, that they're not kept in the
shadows of our society, that they're able to go back and forth
to see their families. See, the card, it'll have a period of
time attached to it. It also means it takes pressure off the
border. If somebody is coming here to work with a card, it means
they're not going to have to sneak across the border. It means
our border patrol will be more likely to be able to focus on
doing their job. Now, it's very important for our citizens to
also know that I don't believe we ought to have amnesty. I don't
think we ought to reward illegal behavior. There are plenty
of people standing in line to become a citizen. And we ought
not to crowd these people ahead of them in line. If they want
to become a citizen, they can stand in line, too. And here is
where my opponent and I differ. In September 2003, he supported
amnesty for illegal aliens.
SCHIEFFER: Time's up. Senator?
KERRY: Let me just answer one part of
the last question quickly, and then I'll come to immigration.
The American middle class family isn't making it right now,
Bob. And what the president said about the tax cuts has been
wiped out by the increase in health care, the increase in gasoline,
the increase in tuitions, the increase in prescription drugs.
The fact is, the take home pay of a typical American family
as a share of national income is lower than it's been since
1929. And the take home pay of the richest 1 percent of Americans
is the highest it's been since 1928. Under President Bush, the
middle class has seen their tax burden go up and the wealthiest's
tax burden has gone down. Now that's wrong. Now with respect
to immigration reform, the president broke his promise on immigration
reform. He said he would reform it. Four years later he is now
promising another plan. Here's what I'll do: Number one, the
borders are more leaking today than they were before 9/11. The
fact is, we haven't done what we need to do to toughen up our
borders, and I will. Secondly, we need a guest-worker program,
but if it's all we have, it's not going to solve the problem.
The second thing we need is to crack down on illegal hiring.
It's against the law in the United States to hire people illegally,
and we ought to be enforcing that law properly. And thirdly,
we need an earned-legalization program for people who have been
here for a long time, stayed out of trouble, got a job, paid
their taxes, and their kids are American. We got to start moving
them toward full citizenship, out of the shadows.
SCHIEFFER: Do you want to respond, Mr.
President?
BUSH: Well, to say that the borders are
not as protected as they were prior to September the 11th shows
he doesn't know the borders. They're much better protected today
than they were when I was the governor of Texas. We have much
more manpower and much more equipment there. He just doesn't
understand how the borders work, evidently, to say that. That
is an outrageous claim. And we'll continue to protect our borders.
We're continuing to increase manpower and equipment.
SCHIEFFER: Senator?
KERRY: Four thousand people a day are
coming across the border. The fact is that we now have people
from the Middle East, allegedly, coming across the border. And
we're not doing what we ought to do in terms of the technology.
We have iris-identification technology. We have thumbprint,
fingerprint technology today. We can know who the people are,
that they're really the people they say they are when the cross
the border. We could speed it up. There are huge delays. The
fact is our borders are not as secure as they ought to be, and
I'll make them secure.
Is it time to raise the minimum wage?
SCHIEFFER: Next question
to you, Sen. Kerry. The gap between rich and poor is
growing wider. More people are dropping into poverty. Yet the
minimum wage has been stuck at, what, $5.15 an hour now for
about seven years. Is it time to raise it?
KERRY: Well, I'm glad you raised that
question. It's long overdue time to raise the minimum wage.
And, America, this is one of those issues that separates the
president and myself. We have fought to try to raise the minimum
wage in the last years. But the Republican leadership of the
House and Senate won't even let us have a vote on it. We're
not allowed to vote on it. They don't want to raise the minimum
wage. The minimum wage is the lowest minimum wage value it has
been in our nation in 50 years. If we raise the minimum wage,
which I will do over several years to $7 an hour, 9.2 million
women who are trying to raise their families would earn another
$3,800 a year. The president has denied 9.2 million women $3,800
a year, but he doesn't hesitate to fight for $136,000 to a millionaire.
One percent of America got $89 billion last year in a tax cut,
but people working hard, playing by the rules, trying to take
care of their kids, family values, that we're supposed to value
so much in America -- I'm tired of politicians who talk about
family values and don't value families. What we need to do is
raise the minimum wage. We also need to hold onto equal pay.
Women work for 76 cents on the dollar for the same work that
men do. That's not right in America. And we had an initiative
that we were working on to raise women's pay. They've cut it
off. They've stopped it. They don't enforce these kinds of things.
Now, I think that it a matter of fundamental right that if we
raise the minimum wage, 15 million Americans would be positively
affected. We'd put money into the hands of people who work hard,
who obey the rules, who play for the American Dream. And if
we did that, we'd have more consumption ability in America,
which is what we need right in order to kick our economy into
gear. I will fight tooth and nail to pass the minimum wage.
BUSH: Actually, Mitch McConnell had a
minimum-wage plan that I supported that would have increased
the minimum wage. But let me talk about what's really important
for the worker you're referring to. And that's to make sure
the education system works. It's to make sure we raise standards.
Listen, the No Child Left Behind Act is really a jobs act when
you think about it. The No Child Left Behind Act says, "We'll
raise standards. We'll increase federal spending." But
in return for extra spending, we now want people to measure
-- states and local jurisdictions to measure to show us whether
or not a child can read or write or add and subtract. You cannot
solve a problem unless you diagnose the problem. And we weren't
diagnosing problems. And therefore just kids were being shuffled
through the school. And guess who would get shuffled through?
Children whose parents wouldn't speak English as a first language
just move through. Many inner-city kids just move through. We've
stopped that practice now by measuring early. And when we find
a problem, we spend extra money to correct it. I remember a
lady in Houston, Texas, told me, "Reading is the new civil
right," and she's right. In order to make sure people have
jobs for the 21st century, we've got to get it right in the
education system, and we're beginning to close a minority achievement
gap now. You see, we'll never be able to compete in the 21st
century unless we have an education system that doesn't quit
on children, an education system that raises standards, an education
that makes sure there's excellence in every classroom.
Would Bush like to overturn Roe v. Wade?
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President,
I want to go back to something Sen. Kerry said earlier tonight
and ask a follow-up of my own. He said -- and this will
be a new question to you -- he said that you had never said
whether you would like to overturn Roe v. Wade. So I'd ask you
directly, would you like to?
BUSH: What he's asking me is, will I have
a litmus test for my judges? And the answer is, no, I will not
have a litmus test. I will pick judges who will interpret the
Constitution, but I'll have no litmus test.
SCHIEFFER: Sen. Kerry, you'd like to respond?
KERRY: Is that a new question or a 30-second
question?
SCHIEFFER: That's a new question for Senator
-- for President Bush.
KERRY: Which time limit...
SCHIEFFER: You have 90 seconds.
KERRY: Thank you very much. Well, again,
the president didn't answer the question. I'll answer it straight
to America. I'm not going to appoint a judge to the court who's
going to undo a constitutional right, whether it's the First
Amendment, or the Fifth Amendment, or some other right that's
given under our courts today -- under the Constitution. And
I believe that the right of choice is a constitutional right.
So I don't intend to see it undone. Clearly, the president wants
to leave in ambivalence or intends to undo it. But let me go
a step further. We have a long distance yet to travel in terms
of fairness in America. I don't know how you can govern in this
country when you look at New York City and you see that 50 percent
of the black males there are unemployed, when you see 40 percent
of Hispanic children -- of black children in some cities --
dropping out of high school. And yet the president who talks
about No Child Left Behind refused to fully fund -- by $28 billion
-- that particular program so you can make a difference in the
lives of those young people. Now right here in Arizona, that
difference would have been $131 million to the state of Arizona
to help its kids be able to have better education and to lift
the property tax burden from its citizens. The president reneged
on his promise to fund No Child Left Behind. He'll tell you
he's raised the money, and he has. But he didn't put in what
he promised, and that makes a difference in the lives of our
children.
SCHIEFFER: Yes, sir?
BUSH: Two things. One, he clearly has a litmus
test for his judges, which I disagree with. And secondly, only
a liberal senator from Massachusetts would say that a 49 percent
increase in funding for education was not enough. We've increased
funds. But more importantly, we've reformed the system to make
sure that we solve problems early, before they're too late.
He talked about the unemployed. Absolutely we've got to make
sure they get educated. He talked about children whose parents
don't speak English as a first language? Absolutely we've got
to make sure they get educated. And that's what the No Child
Left Behind Act does.
SCHIEFFER: Senator?
KERRY: You don't measure it by a percentage
increase. Mr. President, you measure it by whether you're getting
the job done. Five hundred thousand kids lost after-school programs
because of your budget. Now, that's not in my gut. That's not
in my value system, and certainly not so that the wealthiest
people in America can walk away with another tax cut. $89 billion
last year to the top 1 percent of Americans, but kids lost their
after-school programs. You be the judge.
What relief can be offered to Guard and Reserve forces?
SCHIEFFER: All right,
let's go to another question. And it is to Sen. Kerry. You
have two minutes, sir. Senator, the last debate, President Bush
said he did not favor a draft. You agreed with him. But our
National Guard and Reserve forces are being severely strained
because many of them are being held beyond their enlistments.
Some of them say that it's a back-door draft. Is there any relief
that could be offered to these brave Americans and their families?
If you became president, Sen. Kerry, what would you do about
this situation of holding National Guard and Reservists for
these extended periods of time and these repeated call-ups that
they're now facing?
KERRY: Well, I think the fact that they're
facing these repeated call-ups, some of them two and three deployments,
and there's a stop-loss policy that prevents people from being
able to get out when their time was up, is a reflection of the
bad judgment this president exercised in how he has engaged
in the world and deployed our forces. Our military is overextended.
Nine out of 10 active-duty Army divisions are either in Iraq,
going to Iraq or have come back from Iraq. One way or the other,
they're wrapped up in it. Now, I've proposed adding two active-duty
divisions to the Armed Forces of the United States -- one combat,
one support. In addition, I'm going to double the number of
Special Forces so that we can fight a more effective war on
terror, with less pressure on the National Guard and Reserve.
And what I would like to do is see the National Guard and Reserve
be deployed differently here in our own country. There's much
we can do with them with respect to homeland security. We ought
to be doing that. And that would relieve an enormous amount
of pressure. But the most important thing to relieve the pressure
on all of the armed forces is frankly to run a foreign policy
that recognizes that America is strongest when we are working
with real alliances, when we are sharing the burdens of the
world by working through our statesmanship at the highest levels
and our diplomacy to bring other nations to our side. I've said
it before, I say it again: I believe the president broke faith
to the American people in the way that he took this nation to
war. He said he would work through a real alliance. He said
in Cincinnati we would plan carefully, we would take every precaution.
Well, we didn't. And the result is our forces today are overextended.
The fact is that he did not choose to go to war as a last result.
And America now is paying, already $120 billion, up to $200
billion before we're finished and much more probably. And that
is the result of this president taking his eye off of Osama
bin Laden.
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President?
BUSH: The best way to take the pressure
off our troops is to succeed in Iraq, is to train Iraqis so
they can do the hard work of democracy, is to give them a chance
to defend their country, which is precisely what we're doing.
We'll have 125,000 troops trained by the end of this year. I
remember going on an airplane in Bangor, Maine, to say thanks
to the Reservists and Guard that were headed overseas from Tennessee
and North Carolina, Georgia. Some of them had been there before.
The people I talked to, their spirits were high. They didn't
view their service as a back-door draft. They viewed their service
as an opportunity to serve their country. My opponent, the senator,
talks about foreign policy. In our first debate he proposed
America pass a global test. In order to defend ourselves, we'd
have to get international approval. That's one of the major
differences we have about defending our country. I'll work with
allies. I'll work with friends. We'll continue to build strong
coalitions. But I will never turn over our national security
decisions to leaders of other countries. We'll be resolute,
we'll be strong, and we'll wage a comprehensive war against
the terrorists.
SCHIEFFER: Senator?
KERRY: I have never suggested a test where
we turn over our security to any nation. In fact, I've said
the opposite: I will never turn the security of the United States
over to any nation. No nation will ever have a veto over us.
But I think it makes sense, I think most Americans in their
guts know, that we ought to pass a sort of truth standard. That's
how you gain legitimacy with your own countrypeople, and that's
how you gain legitimacy in the world. But I'll never fail to
protect the United States of America.
BUSH: In 1990, there was a vast coalition
put together to run Saddam Hussein out of Kuwait. The international
community, the international world said this is the right thing
to do, but when it came time to authorize the use of force on
the Senate floor, my opponent voted against the use of force.
Apparently you can't pass any test under his vision of the world.
Why didn't Bush try to extend the assault weapons ban?
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President,
new question, two minutes. You said that if Congress
would vote to extend the ban on assault weapons, that you'd
sign the legislation, but you did nothing to encourage the Congress
to extend it. Why not?
BUSH: Actually, I made my intentions --
made my views clear. I did think we ought to extend the assault
weapons ban, and was told the fact that the bill was never going
to move, because Republicans and Democrats were against the
assault weapon ban, people of both parties. I believe law-abiding
citizens ought to be able to own a gun. I believe in background
checks at gun shows or anywhere to make sure that guns don't
get in the hands of people that shouldn't have them. But the
best way to protect our citizens from guns is to prosecute those
who commit crimes with guns. And that's why early in my administration
I called the attorney general and the U.S. attorneys and said:
Put together a task force all around the country to prosecute
those who commit crimes with guns. And the prosecutions are
up by about 68 percent -- I believe -- is the number. Neighborhoods
are safer when we crack down on people who commit crimes with
guns. To me, that's the best way to secure America.
SCHIEFFER: Senator?
KERRY: I believe it was a failure of presidential
leadership not to reauthorize the assault weapons ban. I am
a hunter. I'm a gun owner. I've been a hunter since I was a
kid, 12, 13 years old. And I respect the Second Amendment and
I will not tamper with the Second Amendment. But I'll tell you
this. I'm also a former law enforcement officer. I ran one of
the largest district attorney's offices in America, one of the
10 largest. I put people behind bars for the rest of their life.
I've broken up organized crime. I know something about prosecuting.
And most of the law enforcement agencies in America wanted that
assault weapons ban. They don't want to go into a drug bust
and be facing an AK-47. I was hunting in Iowa last year with
a sheriff from one of the counties there, and he pointed to
a house in back of us, and said, "See the house over? We
just did a drug bust a week earlier, and the guy we arrested
had an AK-47 lying on the bed right beside him." Because
of the president's decision, today, law enforcement officers
will walk into a place that will be more dangerous. Terrorists
can now come into America and go to a gun show and, without
even a background check, buy an assault weapon today. And that's
what Osama bin Laden's handbook said, because we captured it
in Afghanistan. It encouraged them to do it. So I believe America's
less safe. If Tom DeLay or someone in the House said to me,
"Sorry, we don't have the votes," I'd have said, "Then
we're going to have a fight." And I'd have taken it out
to the country and I'd have had every law enforcement officer
in the country visit those congressmen. We'd have won what Bill
Clinton won.
Is there a need for affirmative action programs?
SCHIEFFER: Let's go
to a new question. For you, Sen. Kerry, two minutes. Affirmative
action: Do you see a need for affirmative action programs, or
have we moved far enough along that we no longer need to use
race and gender as a factor in school admissions and federal
and state contracts and so on?
KERRY: No, Bob, regrettably, we have not
moved far enough along. And I regret to say that this administration
has even blocked steps that could help us move further along.
I'll give you an example. I served on the Small Business Committee
for a long time. I was chairman of it once. Now I'm the senior
Democrat on it. We used to -- you know, we have a goal there
for minority set-aside programs, to try to encourage ownership
in the country. They don't reach those goals. They don't even
fight to reach those goals. They've tried to undo them. The
fact is that in too many parts of our country, we still have
discrimination. And affirmative action is not just something
that applies to people of color. Some people have a mistaken
view of it in America. It also is with respect to women, it's
with respect to other efforts to try to reach out and be inclusive
in our country. I think that we have a long way to go, regrettably.
If you look at what's happened -- we've made progress, I want
to say that at the same time. During the Clinton years, as you
may recall, there was a fight over affirmative action. And there
were many people, like myself, who opposed quotas, who felt
there were places where it was overreaching. So we had a policy
called "Mend it, don't end it." We fixed it. And we
fixed it for a reason: because there are too many people still
in this country who feel the stark resistance of racism, and
so we have a distance to travel. As president, I will make certain
we travel it. Now, let me just share something. This president
is the first president ever, I think, not to meet with the NAACP.
This is a president who hasn't met with the Black Congressional
Caucus. This is a president who has not met with the civil rights
leadership of our country. If a president doesn't reach out
and bring people in and be inclusive, then how are we going
to get over those barriers? I see that as part of my job as
president, and I'll make my best effort to do it.
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President?
BUSH: Well, first of all, it is just not
true that I haven't met with the Black Congressional Caucus.
I met with the Black Congressional Caucus at the White House.
And secondly, like my opponent, I don't agree we ought to have
quotas. I agree, we shouldn't have quotas. But we ought to have
an aggressive effort to make sure people are educated, to make
sure when they get out of high school there's Pell Grants available
for them, which is what we've done. We've expanded Pell Grants
by a million students. Do you realize today in America, we spend
$73 billion to help 10 million low- and middle-income families
better afford college? That's the access I believe is necessary,
is to make sure every child learns to read, write, add and subtract
early, to be able to build on that education by going to college
so they can start their careers with a college diploma. I believe
the best way to help our small businesses is not only through
small-business loans, which we have increased since I've been
the president of the United States, but to unbundle government
contracts so people have a chance to be able to bid and receive
a contract to help get their business going. Minority ownership
of businesses are up, because we created an environment for
the entrepreneurial spirit to be strong. I believe part of a
hopeful society is one in which somebody owns something. Today
in America more minorities own a home than ever before. And
that's hopeful, and that's positive.
What part does faith play in policy decisions?
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President,
let's go to a new question. You were asked before the
invasion, or after the invasion, of Iraq if you'd checked with
your dad. And I believe, I don't remember the quote exactly,
but I believe you said you had checked with a higher authority.
I would like to ask you, what part does your faith play on your
policy decisions?
BUSH: First, my faith plays a lot -- a
big part in my life. And that's, when I answering that question,
what I was really saying to the person was that I pray a lot.
And I do. And my faith is a very -- it's very personal. I pray
for strength. I pray for wisdom. I pray for our troops in harm's
way. I pray for my family. I pray for my little girls. But I'm
mindful in a free society that people can worship if they want
to or not. You're equally an American if you choose to worship
an almighty and if you choose not to. If you're a Christian,
Jew or Muslim, you're equally an American. That's the great
thing about America, is the right to worship the way you see
fit. Prayer and religion sustain me. I receive calmness in the
storms of the presidency. I love the fact that people pray for
me and my family all around the country. Somebody asked me one
time, "Well, how do you know?" I said, "I just
feel it." Religion is an important part. I never want to
impose my religion on anybody else. But when I make decisions,
I stand on principle, and the principles are derived from who
I am. I believe we ought to love our neighbor like we love ourself,
as manifested in public policy through the faith-based initiative
where we've unleashed the armies of compassion to help heal
people who hurt. I believe that God wants everybody to be free.
That's what I believe. And that's been part of my foreign policy.
In Afghanistan, I believe that the freedom there is a gift from
the Almighty. And I can't tell you how encouraged I am to see
freedom on the march. And so my principles that I make decisions
on are a part of me, and religion is a part of me.
SCHIEFFER: Sen. Kerry?
KERRY: Well, I respect everything that
the president has said and certainly respect his faith. I think
it's important and I share it. I think that he just said that
freedom is a gift from the Almighty. Everything is a gift from
the Almighty. And as I measure the words of the Bible -- and
we all do; different people measure different things -- the
Koran, the Torah, or, you know, Native Americans who gave me
a blessing the other day had their own special sense of connectedness
to a higher being. And people all find their ways to express
it. I was taught -- I went to a church school -- and I was taught
that the two greatest commandments are: Love the Lord, your
God, with all your mind, your body and your soul, and love your
neighbor as yourself. And frankly, I think we have a lot more
loving of our neighbor to do in this country and on this planet.
We have a separate and unequal school system in the United States
of America. There's one for the people who have, and there's
one for the people who don't have. And we're struggling with
that today. And the president and I have a difference of opinion
about how we live out our sense of our faith. I talked about
it earlier when I talked about the works and faith without works
being dead. I think we've got a lot more work to do. And as
president, I will always respect everybody's right to practice
religion as they choose -- or not to practice -- because that's
part of America.
How can the president unite America?
SCHIEFFER: Sen. Kerry,
after 9/11 -- and this is a new question for you -- it seemed
to me that the country came together as I've never seen it come
together since World War II. But some of that seems to have
melted away. I think it's fair to say we've become pretty
polarized, perhaps because of the political season. But if you
were elected president, or whoever is elected president, will
you set a priority in trying to bring the nation back together?
Or what would be your attitude on that?
KERRY: Very much so. Let me pay a compliment
to the president, if I may. I think in those days after 9/11,
I thought the president did a terrific job. And I really was
moved, as well as impressed, by the speech that he gave to the
Congress. And I think the hug Tom Daschle gave him at that moment
was about as genuine a sense of there being no Democrats, no
Republicans, we were all just Americans. That's where we were.
That's not where we are today. I regret to say that the president
who called himself a uniter, not a divider, is now presiding
over the most divided America in the recent memory of our country.
I've never seen such ideological squabbles in the Congress of
the United States. I've never seen members of a party locked
out of meetings the way they're locked out today. We have to
change that. And as president, I am committed to changing that.
I don't care if the idea comes from the other side or this side.
I think we have to come together and work to change it. And
I've done that. Over 20 years in the United States Senate, I've
worked with John McCain, who's sitting here, I've worked with
other colleagues. I've reached across the aisle. I've tried
to find the common ground, because that's what makes us strong
as Americans. And if Americans trust me with the presidency,
I can pledge to you, we will have the most significant effort,
openly -- not secret meetings in the White House with special
interests, not ideologically driven efforts to push people aside
-- but a genuine effort to try to restore America's hope and
possibilities by bringing people together. And one of the ways
we're going to do it is, I'm going to work with my friend, John
McCain, to further campaign finance reform so we get these incredible
amounts of money out of the system and open it up to average
people, so America is really represented by the people who make
up America.
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President?
BUSH: My biggest disappointment in Washington
is how partisan the town is. I had a record of working with
Republicans and Democrats as the governor of Texas, and I was
hopeful I'd be able to do the same thing. And we made good progress
early on. The No Child Left Behind Act, incredibly enough, was
good work between me and my administration and people like Sen.
Ted Kennedy. And we worked together with Democrats to relieve
the tax burden on the middle class and all who pay taxes in
order to make sure this economy continues to grow. But Washington
is a tough town. And the way I view it is there's a lot of entrenched
special interests there, people who are, you know, on one side
of the issue or another and they spend enormous sums of money
and they convince different senators to taut their way or different
congressmen to talk about their issue, and they dig in. I'll
continue, in the four years, to continue to try to work to do
so. My opponent said this is a bitterly divided time. Pretty
divided in the 2000 election. So in other words, it's pretty
divided during the 1990s as well. We're just in a period --
we've got to work to bring it -- my opponent keeps mentioning
John McCain, and I'm glad he did. John McCain is for me for
president because he understands I have the right view in winning
the war on terror and that my plan will succeed in Iraq. And
my opponent has got a plan of retreat and defeat in Iraq.
What have you learned from your wife and daughters?
SCHIEFFER: We've come,
gentlemen, to our last question. And it occurred to me as I
came to this debate tonight that the three of us share something.
All three of us are surrounded by very strong women. We're all
married to strong women. Each of us have two daughters that
make us very proud. I'd like to ask each of you, what
is the most important thing you've learned from these strong
women?
BUSH: To listen to them. (LAUGHTER) To
stand up straight and not scowl. (LAUGHTER) I love the strong
women around me. I can't tell you how much I love my wife and
our daughters. I am -- you know it's really interesting. I tell
the people on the campaign trail, when I asked Laura to marry
me, she said, "Fine, just so long as I never have to give
a speech." I said, "OK, you've got a deal." Fortunately,
she didn't hold me to that deal. And she's out campaigning along
with our girls. And she speaks English a lot better than I do.
I think people understand what she's saying. But they see a
compassionate, strong, great first lady in Laura Bush. I can't
tell you how lucky I am. When I met her in the backyard at Joe
and Jan O'Neill's in Midland, Texas, it was the classic backyard
barbecue. O'Neill said, "Come on over. I think you'll find
somebody who might interest you." So I said all right.
Bopped over there. There was only four of us there. And not
only did she interest me, I guess you would say it was love
at first sight.
SCHIEFFER: Sen. Kerry?
KERRY: Well, I guess the president and
you and I are three examples of lucky people who married up.
(LAUGHTER) And some would say maybe me more so than others.
(LAUGHTER) But I can take it. (LAUGHTER) Can I say, if I could
just say a word about a woman that you didn't ask about, but
my mom passed away a couple years ago, just before I was deciding
to run. And she was in the hospital, and I went in to talk to
her and tell her what I was thinking of doing. And she looked
at me from her hospital bed and she just looked at me and she
said, "Remember: integrity, integrity, integrity."
Those are the three words that she left me with. And my daughters
and my wife are people who just are filled with that sense of
what's right, what's wrong. They also kick me around. They keep
me honest. They don't let me get away with anything. I can sometimes
take myself too seriously. They surely don't let me do that.
And I'm blessed, as I think the president is blessed, as I said
last time. I've watched him with the first lady, who I admire
a great deal, and his daughters. He's a great father. And I
think we're both very lucky.
Closing Statements
SCHIEFFER: Well, gentlemen,
that brings us to the closing statements. Sen. Kerry,
I believe you're first.
KERRY: My fellow Americans, as you heard
from Bob Schieffer a moment ago, America is being tested by
division. More than ever, we need to be united as a country.
And, like Franklin Roosevelt, I don't care whether an idea is
a Republican idea or a Democrat idea. I just care whether it
works for America and whether it's going to make us stronger.
These are dangerous times. I believe I offer tested, strong
leadership that can calm the waters of the troubled world. And
I believe that we can together do things that are within the
grasp of Americans. We can lift our schools up. We can create
jobs that pay more than the jobs we're losing overseas. We can
have health care for all Americans. We can further the cause
of equality in our nation. Let me just make it clear: I will
never allow any country to have a veto over our security. Just
as I fought for our country as a young man, with the same passion
I will fight to defend this nation that I love. And, with faith
in God and with conviction in the mission of America, I believe
that we can reach higher. I believe we can do better. I think
the greatest possibilities of our country, our dreams and our
hopes, are out there just waiting for us to grab onto them.
And I ask you to embark on that journey with me. I ask you for
your trust. I ask you for your help. I ask you to allow me the
privilege of leading this great nation of ours, of helping us
to be stronger here at home and to be respected again in the
world and, most of all, to be safer forever. Thank you. Goodnight.
And God bless the United States of America.
SCHIEFFER: Mr. President?
BUSH: In the Oval Office, there's a painting
by a friend of Laura and mine named -- by Tom Lee. And it's
a West Texas painting, a painting of a mountain scene. And he
said this about it.He said, "Sarah and I live on the east
side of the mountain. It's the sunrise side, not the sunset
side. It's the side to see the day that is coming, not to see
the day that is gone." I love the optimism in that painting,
because that's how I feel about America. And we've been through
a lot together during the last 3 3/4 years. We've come through
a recession, a stock market decline, an attack on our country.
And yet, because of the hard work of the American people and
good policies, this economy is growing. Over the next four years,
we'll make sure the economy continues to grow. We reformed our
school system, and now there's an achievement gap in America
that's beginning to close. Over the next four years, we'll continue
to insist on excellence in every classroom in America so that
our children have a chance to realize the great promise of America.
Over the next four years, we'll continue to work to make sure
health care is available and affordable. Over the next four
years, we'll continue to rally the armies of compassion, to
help heal the hurt that exists in some of our country's neighborhoods.
I'm optimistic that we'll win the war on terror, but I understand
it requires firm resolve and clear purpose. We must never waver
in the face of this enemy that -- these ideologues of hate.
And as we pursue the enemy wherever it exists, we'll also spread
freedom and liberty. We got great faith in the ability of liberty
to transform societies, to convert a hostile world to a peaceful
world. My hope for America is a prosperous America, a hopeful
America and a safer world. I want to thank you for listening
tonight. I'm asking for your vote. God bless you.
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